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By Nami Kim

This booklet offers a serious feminist research of the Korean Protestant Right’s gendered politics. in particular, the quantity explores the Protestant Right’s responses and reactions to the presumed weakening of hegemonic masculinity in Korea’s post-hypermasculine developmentalism context. Nami Kim examines 3 phenomena: Father university (an evangelical men’s manhood and fatherhood recovery movement), the anti-LGBT circulate, and Islamophobia/anti-Muslim racism. even if those 3 phenomena may well glance unrelated, Kim asserts that they characterize the Protestant Right’s specified but interrelated methods of enticing the contested hegemonic masculinity in Korean society. The contestation over hegemonic masculinity is a standard thread that runs via and connects those 3 phenomena. The ways that the Protestant correct has engaged the contested hegemonic masculinity were on the subject of “others,” reminiscent of ladies, sexual minorities, gender nonconforming humans, and racial, ethnic, and spiritual minorities.

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The Gendered Politics of the Korean Protestant Right: Hegemonic Masculinity

This ebook offers a severe feminist research of the Korean Protestant Right’s gendered politics. particularly, the amount explores the Protestant Right’s responses and reactions to the presumed weakening of hegemonic masculinity in Korea’s post-hypermasculine developmentalism context. Nami Kim examines 3 phenomena: Father university (an evangelical men’s manhood and fatherhood recovery movement), the anti-LGBT move, and Islamophobia/anti-Muslim racism.

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Extra info for The Gendered Politics of the Korean Protestant Right: Hegemonic Masculinity

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39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. Church, established in 1945 in Seoul by a group of Christians who fled North Korea, is also a representative Presbyterian megachurch in South Korea. Youngnak Church is also known for its connection with the Northwest Youth League, an ultra-right-wing paramilitary that was active between 1947 and 1954. ” Word and Bow Vol. 7 (February/March 2015): 277–309. ” Third World Quarterly 32, no. 9 (2011) 1595. See also Jeff Sharlet, The Family: Power, Politics and Fundamentalism’s Shadow Elite (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 2008).

Jin-ho Kim, “Welbiing Upa Daehyeonggyohoe: Munhwajeok Seonjinhwa Hyeonsangeuroseoui Hubal Daehyeonggyohoe” (“Wellbeing Right Megachurch: The Late-achiever Megachurch as a Cultural Phenomenon”). Presented at Hanguk Bosujuuiui Hyeongseonggwa Geuriseudogyo Poreom. April 25, 2011. Eun Young Lee Easley also talks about these two types of megachurches, but she uses the terms “established” and “starter” megachurches, respectively. See her “Taking Jesus Public: The Neoliberal Transformation of Korean Megachurches,” in Encountering Modernity: Christianity in East Asia and Asian America, ed.

Korea’s participation in the Vietnam War as a US ally was justified as an opportunity to fight for freedom and peace against the communists. At the same 24 N. KIM time, South Korea’s participation in the Vietnam War was regarded as a “chance to remasculinize the patriarchal national community,”136 as well as an opportunity to boost the economy. The majority of those who volunteered to serve in Vietnam were soldiers from a working-class background who viewed the US-financed Vietnam War as an economic opportunity that they could not refuse.

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